**Monument to Stefano Franscini (1796-1857) in Faido village square, erected to mark his centenary in 1896 (detail).** Wikimedia

Saluting one of the first Federal Councillors, Stefano Franscini

On 16 November 1848, the first Federal Council elections were held – a unique event in Europe at that time. The composition of the first national government is striking. And who wouldn’t have wanted to be friends with Stefano Franscini?

Kurt Messmer

Kurt Messmer (1946-2025) was a historian with a focus on history in public space.

And freedom here, and freedom there / And freedom, freedom everywhere / The wide, wide world shall cover! Writing in February 1848, political poet Ferdinand Freiligrath (1810-76) positively conjured up the unrest in Restoration Europe. Word and deed are one. His political convictions led him to turn down a princely annuity and the prospect of a position at the court of Weimar, leave his homeland and, like others fleeing political repression, seek refuge in Switzerland in 1845.

Revolutionary fire breaks out

Among the Alps the first shot rang. Freiligrath saw the Sonderbund War as a signal fire heralding the liberal uprisings that were to sweep across Europe. Green laurels wreath the Schweitzer’s brow, through [France and] Italy the storm careered, referring to the February Revolution of 1848 in France, and to gay Vienna shouts Berlin … Vesuvius called, old Etna cheered.

**Europe 1848/49, the flames of revolution are everywhere. Starting in France, uprisings soon followed in Germany, Austria, Italy, Poland, Hungary and south east Europe.** Map LMV Zurich / Additions by Kurt Messmer / Pictures from Wikimedia

The world had begun to change at the end of the 18th century, starting with the industrial revolution in England and the political revolution in France. Yet at the Congress of Vienna in 1815, the ancien régime had nevertheless sought to restore the old order. The revolts of 1848/49 were the consequence of this delayed economic, social and political modernisation.

Switzerland, a case apart

Each and every one of these revolutions failed – or at least that is how people saw it at the time. Looking back now at the historical context, their failure appears to have fanned the flames of the violent rush to achieve a constitution, fundamental rights, a parliament. In the medium term, there were even a few cases of role reversal when revolutions from above led to national unification in Italy in 1861, and in Germany in 1871. However, a nation state was only half the battle. The other half was democracy.

Switzerland after 1848, a case apart within Europe: a collegial body elected by Parliament surrounded by authoritarian princely rulers. u003cemu003e‘Sonderfallu003c/emu003e’ is an apt term, conveying the country’s special status, and a badge proudly worn by Switzerland in 1848. Map Helmut Meyer / LMV Zurich / Additions by Kurt Messmer

Yes, it’s true: the rifts created by the Sonderbund War would take a long time to heal. Yes, it’s true: there was still no such thing as an initiative or a referendum. Yes, it’s true: 1848, was the birth of Switzerland as a nation state. But it was not yet a social state, and certainly not a state in which women could participate. Need I say more? But one thing is certain: in 1848, Switzerland had the most progressive constitution in all of Europe.

So that’s what you call federalism?

A typical alliance of states: instead of a capital city, the old Confederation had changing ‘Vororte’. Under a system of rotation introduced in 1803, Fribourg, Bern, Solothurn, Basel, Zurich and Lucerne took it in turn to act as presiding canton of Switzerland for one year at a time. The Confederation’s chancellery, the only permanent institution, also moved from place to place. But too many cooks spoil the broth, and so six became three: from 1815 onwards only Zurich, Bern and Lucerne remained as presiding cantons, now rotating every two years.

Scene commemorating the entry into force of the Swiss Federal Constitution on 12 September 1848 (detail). Not a revolution from above, but a constitution based on a popular vote, triumphantly proclaimed by an angel with a double fanfare. However, the refusing cantons are forced into their good fortune. Farmers, students, merchants, academics, even soldiers and officers are there, but only one woman is present: Helvetia. Although pictured at the centre of the action, she is merely part of the mythical staging. Burgerbibliothek of Bern

The cantonal coats of arms at the bottom of this commemorative scene are not mere window-dressing, but the foundation on which the whole thing rests. It is worth noting that the Federal Constitution does not designate the Confederation as sovereign. Article 3 states that “The Cantons are sovereign except to the extent that their sovereignty is limited by the Federal Constitution.” A precisely worded legal formulation that has significant consequences.

Centres. Margins. Unwritten laws

The official sequence of cantons set down in 1848 remains in place today: first, the three former presiding cantons Zurich, Bern and Lucerne, then the others according to the year in which they became a member of the Confederation. As can be seen in the image above, starting from the middle. This is doubly significant. First because Lucerne, although on the losing side of the Sonderbund War, nevertheless retained its special status. And second, because not one person was elected to the Federal Council from the cantonal capitals of the former Vororte. Its first members all came from the margins, from former subject territories. Two of them, Ticino’s Stefano Franscini (*1796) and Solothurn’s Josef Munzinger (*1791) had even been classed as subjects at the time of their birth (until 1798).

The first Federal Council, 1848 – all Liberal-Radicals. The victors of the Sonderbund War would govern supreme for 43 years, until 1891. However, it would be wrong to think of them as a politically homogeneous block. The spectrum of liberal-radical hegemony ranged from ‘taking it slow’ to ‘full speed ahead’, as the NZZ newspaper reported at the time. Map Kurt Messmer / portraits Burgerbibliothek of Bern

The power of unwritten laws. Until 1999, no more than one Federal Councillor was allowed to come from any one canton – all the rest is political culture, voluntary proportional representation. Three language and cultural regions were represented on the very first Federal Council, along with the two main religious denominations. However, there were no Catholic-Conservative members. Their lack of political involvement was mitigated by the various factions of the dominant Liberal-Radicals.

And what about social origin? The father of Jonas Furrer, the first President of the Confederation, was a locksmith, while Ulrich Ochsenbein’s was a farmer and horse merchant who also ran a tavern at Schwarzenegg, two-and-a-half hours high above Thun. Henri Druey’s father was a humble innkeeper, and Stefano Franscini had been born into a poor farming family. The other three Federal Councillors were different: Josef Munzinger’s father was a wealthy merchant, Friedrich Frey-Herosé’s owned a chemical factory and Wilhelm Matthias Näff’s was a linen merchant. Either way: none of them were exactly the scions of noble families.

The composition of the Federal Council since 1848 reflects political developments within the country. The Liberals dominated for almost a century, making up the absolute majority of Federal Council members until 1943. The famous ‘magic formula’ has determined the composition of the supreme governing authority since 1959. Simplified chart with current party names. Kurt Messmer

Symbols serve their purpose very well in a table, but they fail to deliver any insights into the people behind them. The chart also fails to distinguish between men and women as it is solely concerned with the strength of the respective parties. The following biography, on the other hand, is bursting with life.

Federal Councillor Stefano Franscini. A passion for education and learning

As one of eight children, Stefano Franscini was the only one allowed to study thanks to a scholarship. He became a teacher, began training for the priesthood, then abandoned theology and turned towards the self-study of history, law, political economy and statistics in the libraries of Milan. He earned a living as a private tutor. When there were no textbooks, he wrote them himself. When there were no schools, he set them up himself. When he couldn’t find teachers, he used advanced students instead. He opened a school for girls together with his wife Teresa, also a teacher. The advancement of women, two centuries ago, in a spirit of partnership.

Stefano Franscini, padre della pubblica educazione, father of public education, circa 1850. Drawing by Vincenzo Vela. — **Stefano Franscini, u003cemu003epadre della pubblica educazioneu003c/emu003e, father of public education, circa 1850. Drawing by Vincenzo Vela.** Museo Vincenzo Vela

Driven by an interest in science and educational issues, he published his Statistica della Svizzera, a statistical portrait of Switzerland, in 1827. It was soon followed by a work on public schooling in the canton of Ticino and a pamphlet on how to draft a liberal constitution, supplemented shortly thereafter by proposals for radical reform in Ticino. He launched a number of newspapers, published contentious articles and took up political office, first as head of the cantonal administration then as a member of the cantonal government.

The Federal Polytechnic School, now ETH Zurich, built in 1855 by Gottfried Semper (1803–79), photographed circa 1930. Franscini wanted to create a federal university, a place of study that would bolster national cohesion by encouraging cultural exchange. However, his plans were scuppered by opposition from the cantons with universities already under their control and resistance to educational federalism. Franscini had to make do with the foundation of the Federal Polytechnic School, an institution of lesser status at that time. — The u003cemu003eFederal Polytechnic School,u003c/emu003e now u003cemu003eETH Zurichu003c/emu003e, built in 1855 by Gottfried Semper (1803–79), photographed circa 1930. Franscini wanted to create a federal university, a place of study that would bolster national cohesion by encouraging cultural exchange. However, his plans were scuppered by opposition from the cantons with universities already under their control and resistance to educational federalism. Franscini had to make do with the foundation of the Federal Polytechnic School, an institution of lesser status at that time. ETH Library Zurich

In 1850, Franscini organised Switzerland’s first-ever census. He had ambitions to become professor of statistics or Italian language and literature at the Federal Polytechnic School in 1855. But his hopes of an academic chair were dashed and he was left facing political humiliation.

One for all, but not all for one

Wherever there was a burning issue to be tackled, Franscini was the man to do it. When the Mendrisio district was hit by famine in 1847, it was Franscini who was called upon to avert catastrophe. When Valais resisted peaceful change to a liberal order following its defeat in the Sonderbund War, it was Franscini who was brought in to calm the situation. Whether in Bellinzona or in dealing with Swiss mercenaries in Naples, he was the go-to man in a crisis. One for all.

But when Franscini himself needed support it was a different story. When he became a member of the Federal Council in 1848, he was not elected until the third round, returning the weakest result of all the candidates. And in 1851, after three years in office, he was re-elected by only the narrowest of margins. Calamity struck in 1854. The voters of Ticino failed to elect him to the National Council, which at that time was a prerequisite for membership of the Federal Council. Shortly before the election, reactionary Austria had closed its border with Ticino in retaliation for the canton’s taking-in of persecuted Liberals, sparking an economic and financial crisis. Franscini, an outspoken opponent of Austria’s policy, was held partly responsible. In addition, substantial customs revenues previously collected by the Canton were redirected to the federal government from 1848 onwards ‒ one of the main reasons why the people of Ticino rejected the Federal Constitution.

By way of coincidence, the National Council elections of 1854 in Schaffhausen went to a third round. The local Liberals offered the humiliated Franscini the chance to stand as a candidate there. Having cleared this hurdle, it took another three rounds of voting back in Bern to confirm his re-election to the Federal Council. All of which took its toll on a man whose health was already ailing. Unwilling to go through the whole rigmarole again, he decided to return to Ticino, where he had been offered a position as head of the cantonal printing office and archives. However, he died unexpectedly in 1857 while still in office.

And suddenly the penny drops

Franscini was a modest man with a conciliatory bent. Nevertheless, he sometimes found himself under attack from both sides when acting as mediator. And he was stung by defamatory statements such as “Franscini is asleep on the job”. Whereas he actually suffered from a hearing loss that made life difficult and, together with his poor German language skills, left him increasingly isolated within the Federal Council.

It would be decades later before he received any recognition. On 13 September 1896, the people of Faido turned out in their multitudes to mark Franscini’s 100th birthday. An act of vindication, restoring the honour of both the man being commemorated and those doing the commemorating.

Inauguration in Faido in 1896 of the monument to Stefano Franscini, created by Antonio Soldini (1854–1933), a pupil of Vincenzo Vela. This teacher-pupil relationship would no doubt have pleased arch-pedagogue Franscini. State Archives of the Canton of Ticino, Bellinzona

What a difference some railings can make, dividing the village square into two zones: one for Franscini, another for everyone else who has come here because of him. The statue stands on a colossal base, appears almost other-worldly. Franscini as a dominant father figure. Raised up on high in a way he never was during his lifetime. A huge wreath lies at the foot of the monument, as if this were an anniversary of his death and not a celebration of the centenary of his birth. Right next to the monument stands a lectern, wreathed, ready for a speech to be given, behind which there is lots of free space. Distance as a mark of respect. The village square is festooned with garlands, the balconies lined with flowers, flags fly everywhere. A brass band, arranged in a circle, adds an extra note of festivity to the occasion. Almost all the men wear hats, many of the women headscarves, the children caps. They seem to have noticed that a photograph is being taken. A large number of them look straight up at the camera. What must they have been thinking about Franscini and this tribute to him? After all, he was one of them. One for all.

**Statue of Stefano Franscini (1796–1857) on the village square in Faido. A masterpiece worthy of a true master.** Wikimedia

The idea for the memorial came from the Società degli amici dell’ educazione del popolo, the Society of Friends of Public Education, which Franscini had co-founded in 1837, along with many other charitable associations. One for all.

Liberalism born of enlightenment

Statistica, Storia, Istruzione – statistics, history, education. The monument in Faido encapsulates Franscini’s political legacy.

**He holds a manuscript in his right hand, while his left rests on three books that embody his achievements: STATISTICA, [STORIA], ISTRUZIONE. Stefano Franscini monument in Faido (detail).** Kurt Messmer

Statistica. Franscini recognised that political action required reliable data as much as guiding principles. In pioneering fashion he pressed ahead with gathering statistics, at first almost single-handedly. Only to be met with a great deal of mistrust and disinterest, and even accusations that he was abusing his office to produce research and publications.

Storia. During Franscini’s time in office the foundations were laid for one of Swiss historical studies’ most worthwhile achievements of the 19th century, the Amtliche Sammlung der ältern Eidgenössischen Abschiede [records of proceedings of the Federal Diet]. Covering the period 1245–1798, it has 25,000 pages of original source material. Four of the eight volumes were published by Philipp Anton von Segesser (1817–1888), a staunchly conservative politician from Lucerne, at a time when liberalism was in the ascendancy.

Istruzione. An interesting contradiction: while Franscini devoted every effort to promoting education for all, he didn’t trust the fickle nature of the electorate. From personal experience. As a steadfast Radical-Liberal, he preferred indirect, representative, parliamentary democracy to direct democracy by way of referendum. Franscini believed that the state had a duty to play a pedagogic role, that it should guide society towards prosperity and civilisation by means of reforms. And he, Stefano Franscini, was a willing servant of that state.

His proper place in history

This article does not shy away from heaping recognition upon Franscini. But it should not be construed as uncritical glorification. It would be just as mistaken to reduce Franscini to the role of victim. The future Federal Councillor made some far-reaching decisions in his early years, and was to retain this strength of purpose in difficult times. An outsider in the national government, his impact was limited. But there can be no denying that Franscini was an important reformer and pioneer. Not a resplendent victor, but rather someone who was prepared to devote his whole life to ambitious goals. Stefano Franscini, we salute you.

More of: Federal Constitution Modern Age Politics Personalities

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